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Early in the 21st century, regional historians agreed that the major turning point in Colorado's redevelopment came in late 1989, when the state supreme court ruled that metropolitan water districts must get permits from mountain counties before building or expanding water diversion projects.
A few days after the ruling, Grand, Summit, Eagle,
Gunnison and Pitkin counties united to form OWEC, the
Organization of Water-Exporting Counties.
They were
soon joined by six counties in the San Luis Valley, where a
corporation planned to drill wells in the closed basin and
transport valley water to the highest bidder, and by
farming areas along the lower Arkansas River, where
Colorado Springs had already purchased water rights.
Sheik Yamani Oryalif, a wealthy part-time Vail resident, served as the first OWEC president. Under his experienced leadership, OWEC immediately required a $20 million permit application fee.
This serves to separate the serious projects from the
pipedreams,
he explained. In the old days, we had to
go to court to fight every proposed project. This was
expensive and often needless, because it would turn out
that the developer was just some fly-by-night schemer on a
shoestring. Now applications come only from serious
contenders. Local taxes went down 50 percent, and 113
high-priced Denver water lawyers lost so much income that
they took up honest trades like bartending and cab driving.
Who could ever say that we have not already done much
good?
Denver and Colorado Springs had the wherewithal to
pursue their projects, though. This perturbed some mountain
zealots, who called for an immediate and verifiable
reservoir freeze
as a first step toward making
Colorado a diversion-free state.
The extremists were
able to replace the moderate sheik with a hard-liner,
Khudafall Sititapz.
He denied any connection to the River Liberation
Organization, a suspected terrorist group which took credit
for dynamiting the dam at Dillon Reservoir in 1991. But he
did smile broadly as he refused Denver a rebuilding permit.
Allah put a desert where Denver is,
he said, and
it is not for mere mortals to change divine decisions.
Besides, the cities of the plain lose population while ours
grows. Tell me, where should the water go?
In desperation as rates skyrocketed and rationing became a way of life, Denverites replaced exotic bluegrass lawns with native buffalo grass. Thirsty elms and ashes became illegal firewood as piñon and lodgepole seedlings flourished. All along the Front Range, residents joined to conserve every drop.
Surprisingly, the economy did not plummet, but Denver really did need more water after the mysterious collapse of the pilot bore of the Moffat Tunnel. Its leaders shrewdly deduced that the OWEC embargo could be broken if they bypassed the wealthy ski counties and cut a side deal with a depressed area.
Aguapor Dinero, San Luis Valley minister of water production, negotiated the deal, and is now a hero there.
In the old days, we would receive nothing for our
resources,
he said. Now the city pays a production
royalty on every gallon. Since the state would never
finance our schools, much of the water royalty goes to
education. We have likewise built up the rest of our
infrastructure, and our people are prospering. It is truly
hard to believe that as recently as 1989, this valley was
the poorest place in the state.
Once out-state Colorado was able to command either water or money, population and economic activity were dispersed. Metropolitan pollution and congestion were only bad memories. Although Colorado has learned to thrive, the state legislature -- dominated as always by water lawyers and real-estate speculators -- continues to pass resolutions demanding that the 1989 supreme court ruling be overturned.
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