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Avoiding those mixed messages

Published 10 October 2004 in The Denver Post.
Copyright ©2004 by Ed Quillen. All rights reserved.

One of the strangest events of this political season was Georgia Sen. Zell Miller's keynote address to the Republican National Convention (who knew that he could howl better than Howard Dean?). He said that nothing makes this Marine madder than someone calling American troops occupiers rather than liberators.

President George W. Bush, whom Miller was vociferously supporting, has used the term occupier or occupation on several occasions when referring to the American presence in Iraq. And even if Bush sometimes has trouble with our language, he was using it properly there.

Nothing makes this English major happier than a politician using the right word. But that's about as much clarity as one can find, and John Kerry isn't the only one sending mixed signals here.

Go back to the days right after Sept. 11, 2001. Osama bin Laden and Al Qaida were public enemy number one, and to that end, American soldiers were sent to Afghanistan, which had been harboring bin Laden and some of his followers.

The Taliban regime was soon toppled, and there were many of us who hoped that the United States could play a constructive role in nation-building in Afghanistan, a poor country which had been oppressing women while dynamiting a world heritage site.

But instead of staying the course in Afghanistan, the Bush administration soon announced that the bigger threat was Saddam Hussein and Iraq, and shifted resources accordingly. What sort of mixed message did that send soldiers in Afghanistan? That they were risking their lives in an irrelevant sideshow?

At the time, I thought a case could be made for invading Iraq, although the Bush administration never bothered to make it. The case was pretty simple:

Like it or not (and I don't), America relies on oil from Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. Those nations were threatened by Iraq, which had already invaded Kuwait once before. Thus we had to keep forces in those countries, which is expensive. It's also a provocation to those Islamist extremists who view Arabia as a holy place that should not be profaned by our infidel troops. Change the regime in Iraq, so that neighboring countries don't have to be protected from the Republican Guards, and these problems could go away.

That's not the case that the Bushites made, though. They rightly pointed out that Hussein was a thug and a tyrant who brutalized his own people. But unfortunately, this world has many cruel despots, so why attack that one instead of one of the others?

Instead of presenting a practical argument for invading Iraq instead of Rwanda, they delivered a series of falsehoods. In December of 2002, Vice-President Dick Cheney claimed that Hussein's regime has had high-level contacts with al Qaeda going back a decade and has provided training to al Qaeda terrorists, thus implying a non-existent connection between Iraq and the 9/11 attacks.

Two years ago, as he revved up America for an invasion, Bush said that Iraq possesses and produces chemical and biological weapons, and that Iraq has attempted to purchase high-strength aluminum tubes and other equipment needed for gas centrifuges, which are used to enrich uranium for nuclear weapons.

These rationales have been demonstrated to be false. So has the assumption that Iraq would welcome America as liberators, and that the war would be quick and easy: capture Baghdad, make a few repairs while protecting the Oil Ministry, and Iraq's oil production would pay most of the bills.

Thanks to sabotage, there hasn't been much oil production. The country mainly seems to produce kidnappings, gang wars, car-bombings and insurgencies. It's so dangerous that few foreigners dare to leave the fortified Green Zone in Baghdad.

But give the Bushites credit. There aren't any mixed messages coming from that great spin machine. There's the White House message. And the message from reality. And the two don't mix.


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